மரபும் மகிழ்ச்சியும்

ஜே ஜே படத்தில் ஒரு காட்சி வரும். மரபில் தோய்ந்த ஒரு மனம் சாதாரண வாழ்க்கையில் அடையும் இன்பங்கள் என்ன என்று நண்பர்கள் கேட்கும் போது நான் அடிக்கடி இந்தக் காட்சியைத் தான் உதாரணம் சொல்லுவேன். படத்தில் மாதவன் தான் காதலித்த பெண்ணை விட்டு வேறு ஒருவரைத் திருமணம் முடிக்க வேண்டிவரும். திருமணத்துக்குச் சம்மதம் தெரிவித்து விட்டு கவலையுடன் சென்றமர்ந்து அந்தப் பெண்ணை முதல் கண்டவுடன் வயலினில் அவர் வாசித்த இசையை இறுதியாக மீண்டும் வாசித்து விட்டு அழுதபடி வயலினைப் போட்டு உடைப்பார். 

இந்த காட்சியைச் சாதாரணமாக எந்த ஒரு மரபுப் பயிற்சியும் இல்லாத ஒரு பார்வையாளன் கவலையுடன் கடந்து போவான். மரபுப் பயிற்சி இல்லாவிட்டாலும் கொஞ்சம் நுண்ணுணர்வு உள்ள பார்வையாளன் என்றால் இதில் உள்ள “என் வாழ்க்கையில் இனி அவள் இல்லை எனவே எந்த இனிமையும் இல்லை” என்று குறிப்புணர்த்தும் காட்சி அமைப்பின் கவித்துவத்தைக் காண்பான்.

ஆனால் நுண்ணுணர்வோடு உங்களுக்கு மரபுப் பயிற்சியும் இருந்தால் இந்த காட்சியில் நீங்கள் அடையும் வேறு உச்சம் ஒன்றுண்டு. இந்து தொன்ம கதைகளில் கிருஷ்ணனும் ராதையும் காதலர்கள். கிருஷ்ணர் கம்சனை வென்று பிருந்தாவனத்திலிருந்து மதுரா நகருக்குச் சென்ற போது ராதையை அவர் பெற்றோர் வேறு ஒருவருக்கு மணமுடித்து விடுவார்கள். ராதை கிருஷ்ணனை நினைத்து ஏங்கி உடல் மெலிந்து இறக்கும் தறுவாயில் அவள் விருப்பத்துக்கு இணங்க அவள் அருகே அமர்ந்து கிருஷ்ணர் புல்லாங்குழல் வாசிப்பார். அதைக் கேட்டபடி ராதை உயிர் பிரியும். கிருஷ்ணர் உடனே அவர்களது காதலின் அடையாளமாக இருந்த புல்லாங்குழலை உடைத்து எறிவார். அதன் பிறகு கிருஷ்ணர் ஒருபோதும் குழலை வாசிக்கவில்லை என்று இரண்டாயிரம் வருடத்துக்கு முற்பட்ட பாகவத புராணம் கூறுகிறது.

அந்த தொன்மக் கதை உங்களுக்குத் தெரிந்தால் உடனே இந்தக் கவித்துவமான காட்சி வேறு கனம் கொண்டுவிடுகிறது. இந்தக் காட்சி ஈராயிரம் ஆண்டுகால பொருள் ஏற்றப்பட்ட ஒன்றாகிவிடுகிறது. ஒரு பெருமரபின் அறுபடா நீட்சியென சென்றமைகிறது. உங்கள் ஆழ்மனதுக்குள் உள்ள அந்த இணைப்பை நீங்கள் கண்டடையும் கணத்தில் நீங்கள் உணரும் ஒரு பரவசத்தை, ஒரு மின்னதிர்ச்சியை அதை ஒருபோதும் உணராத ஒருவருக்கு என்றும் சொல்லி விளக்கிவிடமுடியாது. அன்று முழுவதும் மனம் இனம்புரியா இன்பத்தில் கொந்தளித்துக் கொண்டே இருக்கும். 

நம் வாழ்க்கை என்பது சாதாரண நிகழ்வுகளால் ஆனது. நம் அன்றாடத்தில் பெரிதாக ஒன்று நடப்பதில்லை. எனவே பெரும்பாலான நாள்கள் பரவசம் அற்றதாகச் சலிப்பூட்டும் ஒன்றாகவே இருக்கும். நீங்கள் இன்பத்துக்காக வேறு ஏதும் ஒன்றை நாடவேண்டி இருக்கும். அவையும் அனுபவிக்க அனுபவிக்கச் சலிப்பூட்டும், வெறுமையைக் கொண்டு வரும் உலகியல் இன்பங்களாய் இருக்கும். நீங்கள் மீண்டும் மீண்டும் அந்த இன்பங்களில் மூழ்கி எதார்த்தத்தை மறக்க முயல்வீர்கள். அப்படி உலகியல் இன்பங்களில் மூழ்கி நிறைவுற்றவர்கள் யாருமில்லை. ஆனால் உங்களுக்கு எந்தளவு மரபில் பயிற்சி இருக்கிறதோ அந்த அளவுக்கு அன்றாட அழகு உங்கள் கண்ணில் பட்டுக்கொண்டே இருக்கும். ஒரு சிறிய சாதாரண அனுபவம் மரபு பயிற்சி இருக்கும் போது சட்டெனப் பெரிதாகும். 

என் வாழ்வில் நடந்த இன்னும் ஒரு உதாரணத்தைச் சொல்கிறேன். நானும் நண்பர்களும் யானைகள் சரணாலயத்துக்குச் சென்றிருந்தோம். ஒரு சிறு யானை குட்டி ஒன்று நின்று கொண்டிருந்தது. மரபுப் பயிற்சி இல்லாத நண்பர்கள் கொஞ்ச நேரம் அதைப் பார்த்தார்கள். பார்த்து எவ்வளவு அழகாக இருக்கிறது என்று சொல்லிக்கொண்டார்கள் அவ்வளவுதான் செல்வோம் என்று சென்றுவிட்டார்கள். எனக்கோ அந்த குட்டியைப் பார்த்ததும் உடனே ஒரு பரவசம். ஒரு மின்னல் அடித்துவிட்டது. 

சங்க இலக்கியத்தில் குறுந்தொகை பாடல் ஒன்றில் யானைக் குட்டியை “கயந்தலைக் குழவி” என்று சொல்வார்கள். யானைக் குட்டியை எப்போதாவது நேரில் பார்த்தவர்களுக்குத் தெரியும் அதன் தலை உடலை விடச் சற்றுப் பெரிதாக இருக்கும் அந்தத் தலையில் மனிதர்களைப் போல் நல்ல முடி இருக்கும். அதனால் தான் அதைக் கயந்தலைக் குழவி என்கிறார்கள். அந்த சங்கக் கவிதையில் சொல்லப்பட்ட யானைக்குட்டியின் குறும்பும் அழகும் இந்தக் குட்டி மீது ஏறிவிட்டது. ஒரு சாதாரண யானைக் குட்டியின் அழகு மரபுப் பயிற்சி இருக்கும் போது சட்டெனப் பெரிதாகிவிட்டது. நண்பர்கள் அந்த காட்சியை எளிதில் கடந்து சலித்து அடுத்தது என்ன இருக்கிறது பார்க்க என்று தேடிக்கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். எனக்கு அன்று முழுவதும் “கயந்தலைக் குழவி” என்ற சொல்லும் பரவசமும் மனதிலிருந்துகொண்டே இருந்தது.

நான் என் நண்பர்களிடம் தமிழ் மற்றும் இந்து மரபைப் பற்றித் தெரிந்துகொள்ளுங்கள் என்று சொல்வது தமிழை, தமிழ்ப் பண்பாட்டைக் காப்பாற்ற வேண்டும் என்பதுக்காக எல்லாம் இல்லை. தமிழை அப்படி எவரும் காப்பாற்ற வேண்டியதில்லை. தமிழ்ப் பண்பாடு அன்றும் சரி இன்றும் சரி எண்ணிக்கையால் அல்ல வெறும் ஐந்நூறு அல்லது ஆயிரம் பேர் கொண்ட குறுங்குழுவின் தீவிரத்தால் தான் தலைமுறை தலைமுறையாக முன் கொண்டு செல்லப்படுகிறது. மரபு என்பது நம்முடைய அழகுணர்வைத் தொடர்ந்து திரட்டி தரக்கூடிய ஒரு பெரும் தொடர்ச்சி. அதைப் பயிலாதவர்களுக்கு அனுபவிக்க அனுபவிக்கச் சலிப்பூட்டும் உலகியல் இன்பம் மட்டுமே விதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. அதை விட மேலான ஒரு இன்பத்தையும் நிறைவையும் என்றும் நீங்கள் அறியமாட்டீர்கள். அதனால் தான் நான் உங்கள் மரபை அறிந்து கொள்ளுங்கள் என்று மீண்டும் மீண்டும் நண்பர்களிடம் சொல்லிக்கொண்டே இருக்கிறேன்.

Hypocrisy, Violence, and the Quest for Peace: Lessons from Sri Lanka

If any members of the Tamil diaspora harbour dreams of another war in Sri Lanka, I invite them to consider the following: Rather than advocating for violence from a distance, why not encourage their own children, who have safely settled abroad, to return to Sri Lanka and take up arms in an armed struggle once again? If their passion for armed resistance is genuine, they should have joined the Tigers and taken up arms when they were younger. Instead, they chose to flee Sri Lanka and seek safety for themselves, their families, and their children in foreign lands. It is worth noting that the testimonies provided by many of them to support their asylum application regarding the forced conscriptions and human rights abuses by the Tigers were used as primary evidence by their respective governments to designate the Tigers as a terrorist organization. Their hypocrisy sucks.

The 26 years of armed struggle against oppression in Sri Lanka yielded nothing but the tragic deaths of over a hundred thousand innocent Tamil people. Three generations of young men and women lost their futures in the process. When one responds to violence with further violence, it only perpetuates a cycle of brutality. The opponents, in turn, justify their disproportionate violence based on the initial acts of violence committed. For instance, if one were to inquire why approximately 3,000 innocent Tamils were killed during the anti-Tamil riots in 1983, a moderate Sinhala individual might simply attribute it to the trigger of the deaths of 13 Sri Lanka Army soldiers at the hands of the Tigers. Similarly, if asked about the anti-Tamil riots in the country in 1956, 1958, and 1977, they may not have a satisfactory answer.

When people who lack power confront a formidable adversary, attempting to overcome them through violence results in huge losses. This is precisely why Gandhi chose the path of non-violence. Through practising non-violent resistance in the face of violence, Gandhi appealed to the conscience of his opponents and dismantled their moral superiority. One of his most powerful strategies was resisting an opponent without harbouring hatred towards them. This approach attracted support from a multitude of white individuals, illustrating its effectiveness. It is important to address the misconception that many Tamils believe in, which is that Gandhism failed in Sri Lanka. This assertion is not accurate.

There was a time when the Tamils in Sri Lanka had a leader like S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, who successfully organized a civil disobedience movement inspired by Gandhi's principles. In the 1970s, armed revolutions were spreading globally, and leftist groups actively promoted them. Consequently, some Tamil youths, feeling devoid of other options, resorted to violence after the introduction of racially motivated university standardization prevented their access to higher education. Chelvanayakam, who commanded respect among Tamil youth, urged them to abandon violence and prioritize education. However, following his death in 1977 and India's involvement, the Tamils fell into a geopolitical trap, and non-violent protests gave way to violent militancy.

Gandhism may be slow and require patience, but it offers a certain path to a solution with minimal casualties. Compared to the loss of Tamil lives during the civil war, the number of deaths resulting from anti-Tamil pogroms since independence is relatively small. I hope the Tamils possess the wisdom to avoid falling into geopolitical traps once again and refrain from resorting to violence in their fight against discrimination. While I support resistance to secure our rights, I cannot endorse violence, not out of cowardice, but because I understand that there is no hope for a solution through violent means.

Imagine a hypothetical situation in which Sri Lanka undergoes a division, resulting in two separate countries. Such a separation would unquestionably bring harm to both the Tamils and Sinhalese communities. It would lead to bitterness and the emergence of two hostile states with ongoing border disputes. Instead of moving forward and experiencing growth, both countries would be burdened with the perpetual drain of economic resources needed to sustain large standing armies solely focused on deterring potential conflicts. Therefore, it becomes essential to explore alternative avenues that lead to peaceful resolutions, fostering unity, understanding, and progress for all the communities involved.

The Menace of Sinhala-Buddhist Fundamentalism: A Call for Awareness and Unity

Many Sinhala-Buddhists fail to speak out against Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalism due to the mistaken belief that it only affects minorities and not their own community. However, history teaches us that fundamentalism ultimately destroys one's own people and culture more than any other group. Fundamentalism does not really care for any culture or religion; it only manipulates them to serve its ends. Fundamentalism can never be the guardian of faith; it is the arch-enemy that goes all out to destroy a religion. An example of this can be seen in Islamic fundamentalism which was initially seen as a reformist movement protecting Islam from outsiders but has since restricted women's rights, influenced education systems to prioritize a narrow interpretation of Islamic teachings, suppressed cultural practices, free speech, and stifled artistic expression and promoted violence and intolerance.

The delusion that Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalists hold about religion, race and history is similar to that of all fundamentalists: the belief in their superiority and the fear that their enemies aim to erase their glorious past. This type of thinking forms the foundation of fascism. Regardless of its basis in religion, caste, language, race, or nationality, fundamentalism always carries a destructive force within it. All forms of fundamentalism prioritize ideology over the well-being of their own people, leading to destruction in the long run. The loss of numerous innocent Sinhalese individuals, as well as the casualties suffered by Sinhalese soldiers in the civil war is a byproduct of the actions of Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalists since independence. The Presidential Commission on the Easter attacks of April 2019  blamed the anti-Muslim violence as the trigger for the terrible Easter Sunday attacks which killed hundreds of Tamils and Sinhalese. Fundamentalists are willing to justify any number of casualties to uphold their ideology, perpetuating a catastrophic cycle of violence throughout history. 

Fundamentalism shares certain characteristics. It places its core ideology beyond question, labelling those who deny or disagree with it as enemies to be destroyed. It constantly creates new enemies to defend itself against and bases its actions on countering perceived threats. Thus fundamentalism is never motivated by positive ideals. Furthermore, fundamentalism promotes certain individuals as perfect representatives of its ideology, granting them immense power and idolizing them, demanding complete faith and adulation from their followers. 

Fundamentalism is opposed to democracy. Democracy thrives on debate, deliberation, and the freedom to accept or reject ideas. It seeks to include diverse perspectives and resolve contradictions through consensus. In contrast, fundamentalism consolidates power around its ideology, rejecting any dialogue or aspects of the past that do not serve its power politics. 

It is deeply frustrating to witness so-called educated Sinhalese individuals supporting Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalists. Such individuals, in my view, lack genuine education and intellect, despite their degrees. When moderate Tamils stand up against Sinhala-Buddhist fundamentalism destroying Sri Lanka, it is not just for their own sake, but also for those Sinhala-Buddhists who remain silent today. Fundamentalism will only bring about absolute economic ruin and eventual war—history does not have a single exception to this rule.

Note: The insights and perspectives presented in this article draw inspiration from the concepts explored in Jeyamohan's article on fundamentalism. While specific references to Jeyamohan's work may not be provided, the ideas discussed here reflect the broader discourse on fundamentalism and its implications.

Unraveling the Consequences: The Ill-Fated Quest for a Sinhala-Buddhist Sri Lanka

I actually feel sympathy for those individuals who desired to transform the entirety of Sri Lanka into a Sinhala-Buddhist nation. Over the past two months, I have been researching instances of similar attempts to engineer societies in other countries and examining their ultimate outcomes. Such endeavours yield both short-term and long-term consequences in other countries. We have already witnessed the successful realization of the short-term consequences: civil war and economic deterioration. Looking at the long-term implications in such countries, there are two possible scenarios. 

The first involves the fragmentation of the country into two or more separate nations, while the second entails being absorbed or annexed by another country. In the case of Sri Lanka, this could manifest as the country splitting into two states or India annexing Sri Lanka. Both outcomes are equally plausible, although I believe the latter is more likely. Several indicators point towards this possibility. In a contemporary context, three indicators are present before a country is annexed. Firstly, there must be internal divisions within the population. Secondly, the economy must be failing. Lastly, a rising superpower in close proximity is necessary. In Sri Lanka, all three indicators align. All indications strongly suggest this inevitable long-term outcome. 

Generally, individuals tend to have difficulty envisioning events beyond their own lifetimes. In the grand scheme of history, a human lifetime is merely a fleeting moment, during which significant changes rarely occur.  It saddens me that I won't be alive to witness the moment when these Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists realize the consequences of their actions.

Note - I have previously written an article exploring the geopolitical factors that impact the sovereignty of Sri Lanka. For a clearer understanding, I encourage you to give it a read (link).

Trapped Between Tiger and Snake: Sri Lanka's Geopolitical Dilemma

Once upon a time, there was a man who found himself being chased by a ferocious tiger in the forest. Fearing for his life, he ran as fast as he could to escape the tiger's pursuit. Eventually, he came across a tall tree and decided to climb up in the hope of finding safety. As he climbed the tree, he noticed that a deadly snake was already coiled up on one of the branches at the top. He realized that the tiger was waiting for him to come down, while the snake above would strike if he climbed higher, he was trapped in a perilous situation. The story often serves as a metaphor for being trapped in a perilous situation with no apparent escape or safe option. This Tamil folktale holds relevance to the current geopolitical situation, particularly in relation to Sri Lanka's position. 

Both India and China face mounting pressure to expand their territories, driven by their rapidly increasing populations and resource needs. The inevitability of conflict between India and China looms on the horizon. As a result, Sri Lanka's sovereignty hangs precariously in the balance, influenced by the intricate dynamics of the Indo-China geopolitical standoff. Should the stalemate between India and China be disrupted following a conflict, and if either nation gains the upper hand, the future of Sri Lanka becomes uncertain.

Let's consider India first. Sri Lanka is already part of India's "Greater India (Akhand Bharat)" vision, which aims to absorb all South Asian countries into India. The notion of India claiming the entirety of South Asia may sound absurd. But our Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists know more than anybody else how historical narratives can be selectively shaped to serve specific purposes and promote certain viewpoints. India, like any other nation, can draw upon historical events, cultural connections, and regional interactions to support its claims or aspirations.

Take, for instance, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which lie close to Malaysia and are presently under Indian administration. India's historical claim to these islands, prior to British occupation, can be attributed to their association with the Chola Empire. During their reign, the Cholas utilized these islands as a significant naval base, projecting their influence and power across Southeast Asia. By emphasizing the Chola Empire's historical presence and influence in the region, India asserts a connection rooted in history and culture to substantiate its claim over these territories. 

Sri Lanka has a stronger historical connection to India than Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist's favourite historical text, the Mahavamsa, would be instrumental in establishing the Indian narrative that North Indian prince Vijaya established civilization in Sri Lanka, making it a mere extension of India. The only reason India has not acted on their "Greater India" plan thus far is due to China's presence. India has previously attempted to exert its influence over Nepal and Sri Lanka, but those attempts backfired when both countries turned to China to counter India's pressure. 

However, India is currently formulating alternative strategies for the near future. One example is India's intention to construct a sea bridge and tunnel linking Sri Lanka to South India, an initiative that has been under discussion with Sri Lanka since 2016. Additionally, since 2011, India has been actively advocating for the establishment of an undersea power transmission line between the two countries, which would increase Sri Lanka's reliance on India for energy. Furthermore, during the economic crisis, there were discussions regarding the acceptance of Indian currency as legal tender alongside the Sri Lankan currency within Sri Lanka just like Nepal.

If India were to emerge victorious in the war against China, it would be free to pursue its "Greater India" plan. In the event of India annexing or bullying Sri Lanka, it is likely that Sri Lanka would experience Tamil dominance due to the influx of Indian Tamils through open borders. This historical pattern can be observed during the British occupation when the Indian Tamil population grew from 0% to 15% within the first 100 years, eventually surpassing the Sri Lankan Tamil community and becoming the second-largest ethnic group in Sri Lanka. 

In the event that China emerges victorious in the conflict, they have already devised a policy aimed at destabilizing and fragmenting India into 20-30 separate nation-states, akin to the situation in Europe. China is already supporting the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), a militant separatist group in northeastern India, in their quest for independence for Assam from India. Additionally, China covertly supports Kashmiri rebels through Pakistan. Furthermore, China intends to extend political support to Bangladesh, encouraging ethnic Bengalis in India to break free from "Indian control" and unite with Bangladesh as a unified Bengali nation. According to a recent report by Chinese think tanks, China believes that, in its own interest, it should collaborate with various nationalities such as the Assamese, Tamils, and Kashmiris, supporting them in establishing independent nation-states of their own. 

If Tamil Nadu were to gain independence as a separate nation due to China, its ambitions would extend beyond the borders of Tamil Nadu alone. Tamil nationalists in Tamil Nadu already envision a "Greater Tamil Nadu," which entails annexing the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka to create a unified Tamil nation. As highlighted in Ranil's speech at Harvard, Sri Lanka must ensure that there is no conflict between India and China, as such a situation would place Sri Lanka's future in a highly challenging position.

In the midst of the impending geopolitical chaos, there are individuals who persist in their misguided desire to revive Sri Lanka's Sinhala-Buddhist glory. Attempting to establish such a glory in the past resulted in a devastating 26-year-long civil war and subsequent economic collapse. If these individuals continue to pursue this agenda, the ultimate consequence of their grand plan to restore Sri Lanka's Sinhala-Buddhist glory will likely be either the annexation or fragmentation of the country. The choice lies between embracing reason or persisting with risky endeavours that may lead to becoming the subject of ridicule in this tragicomedy. 

A country's border, much like love, works only if both sides believe in it. While Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists possess the power to shape Sri Lankan history, they cannot alter the geographical realities that surround us. Sri Lanka's independence is just a blip in history's eye. Seventy-odd years? In the grand scheme of history, that's just a blink of an eye. So, let's keep it real and remember that the world keeps turning, history has seen bigger things. The outcome will only be revealed with time. As former Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee said "We can change history but not geography. We can change our friends but not our neighbours".

Challenging Sri Lanka's Archaeological Narrative: Towards Inclusive Governance

The resignation of the DG of the Archaeology Department brings a bittersweet relief. After 75 long years, a Sri Lankan head of state has finally acknowledged the existence of Tamil Buddhist sites in the country, a historical fact that should have been recognized earlier. However, there is still so much more that needs to be addressed. In present-day Sri Lanka, archaeology predominantly serves the interests of contemporary Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. Archaeological research must avoid using modern ethnic labels imposed by European colonialism to describe events of the past, as it distorts historical accuracy.

The conflict surrounding the discovery of Buddhist sites in the North and East of Sri Lanka stems from the attempt to intertwine religion and ethnicity as inseparable. The presence of Buddhist archaeological sites in the regions where Tamils reside today does not automatically prove the presence of Sinhalese in the past. Unfortunately, many Sinhala-Buddhists maintain the belief that Buddhism in Sri Lanka is exclusively for the Sinhalese, refusing to accept that Tamils were also Buddhists in ancient times because the majority of Tamils now identify as Hindu or Christian.

The past is not a singular entity; it comprises diverse narratives within an archaeological site. However, the work carried out by the Archaeological Department in Sri Lanka predominantly seeks to construct an imagined Sinhala-Buddhist past, neglecting the changes in identities that have occurred over centuries due to political, economic, cultural, and ecological factors. This narrow view of associating a specific site with a particular community in a timeless manner is not an act of scholarship but rather a manifestation of racism.

The modern scientific investigation of archaeological sites in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the British colonial era. The study of the island's historical sites was not solely driven by the pursuit of knowledge; rather, it served as a means of exerting control over the present through understanding the past. Regrettably, the Sri Lankan state continues to employ similar tactics today. A mere glimpse at the Department of Archaeology's emblem reveals the type of historical site that receives state support, often at the expense of other archaeological sites. This prioritization reinforces a Sinhala-Buddhist narrative of Sri Lankan history.

Under the guise of archaeology, minority communities are being deprived of their cultural and religious spaces, as well as their livelihoods. This blatant discrimination is nothing short of racism. The centralized and militarized approach to archaeological work in the country must come to an end. The Archaeology Department has perpetuated and enabled Sinhalization for decades, with racism and disregard for the law deeply ingrained in its institution, processes, and practices. The actions of the Director align with the organization's ethos and practices, emphasizing the need for institutional reform.

The Archaeology Department collaborates with the Wildlife Department and Forests Department to seize private lands in the North and East, as well as lands historically used by local communities for agriculture. It is crucial to move beyond the grandstanding of presidents and sporadic orders for release, towards comprehensive institutional reform. Presidents may change, but the system and institution remain constant.

We can only hope that the forthcoming national plan for archaeology conservation and restoration, which the President has assured, will finally address these long-standing issues. Unfortunately, certain individuals on social media continue to make baseless claims, suggesting that Ranil intentionally undermines the Buddhist heritage in Sri Lanka to appease Tamils. Such racist and misguided sentiments exemplify the challenges faced by Sri Lanka as a whole.

While I acknowledge Ranil's efforts in this matter, they lack effectiveness without comprehensive systemic and constitutional changes in the governance of the country. These decisions are transient, much like certain positive steps taken for reconciliation between 2015 and 2019 that were later reversed by subsequent leaders. Even if Ranil were to halt land grabbing today, there is a risk that another president, capitalizing on Sinhala Buddhist support, might reintroduce such practices tomorrow, discrediting Ranil's actions as mere attempts to gain Tamil votes. 

That is why it is crucial to implement comprehensive systemic and constitutional changes in the governance of the country. Merely addressing isolated issues or relying on the actions of individual leaders will not suffice. To truly bring about lasting change, the entire system needs to undergo reform. Without such fundamental changes, the cycle of discrimination and marginalization will persist, undermining any progress made in the name of reconciliation.

Review: மலர்த்துளி: 12 காதல் கதைகள் [Malarthuli]

மலர்த்துளி: 12 காதல் கதைகள் [Malarthuli] by Jeyamohan
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

ஜெயின் மற்ற கதைகளில் இல்லாத எளிமை இதில் கைகூடியிருக்கிறது. ஜெயின் கதைகளில் பொதுவாக உள்ள அலையலையென விரியும் உள்மடிப்புகள், எதிர்பாராத நுட்பங்கள் ஏதும் இல்லை. இந்த மனநிலையோடு இந்த கதைகளைப் படிப்பது அவசியம். இது எளிய கதைகள் என்று ஜெ முன்னுரையில் சொல்லி இருந்தாலும் முதல் கதையை வாசித்தவுடன் குழம்பிப் போனேன். இது ஜெ கதை போல் இல்லையே. ஜெ அப்படியெல்லாம் நினைத்தாலும் எளிய கதைகளை எழுத முடியாது அவரையும் தாண்டி சில உள்மடிப்புகள் இருக்கும் என்று ஒரு நம்பிக்கை. உடனே ஒரு வேளை எனக்குத் தான் கதையின் உள்மடிப்புகள் புரியவில்லையா என்று என் வாசிப்பின் மேல் கோபம் வந்தது. புத்தகத்தைத் தூக்கி வைத்துவிட்டேன். புத்தகத்தைத் திருப்பிப் படிப்பதை நினைக்கவே எரிச்சலாக இருந்தது. பின் முதல் கதையை மீண்டும் படிக்க வேண்டாம். இரண்டாம் கதையான "கருவாலி" இருந்து தொடங்குவோம் என்று முயன்றேன். கருவாலி கதை விறுவிறுப்பாகச் செல்லும் போது காதல் தோன்றும் ஒரு கணத்தில் சட்டென முடிந்துவிட்டது. ஒரு கணம் ஒரு குறிப்புணர்த்தல் மட்டும் தான்.

இந்த தொகுப்பின் கதைகள் எல்லாம் அப்படி காதலில் கணத்தைத் தான் சொல்லிச் செல்கிறது. இருவருக்குள் காதல் எப்படித் தோன்றுகிறது என்பது எப்போதும் யாராலும் புரிந்து கொள்ளமுடியாத விந்தைதான். ஒரு கணம் அவ்வளவு தான். அதற்கும் தர்க்கத்துக்கு எந்த தொடர்பும் இல்லை. காதல் தோன்றிய பின் நாம் அதைத் தர்க்கத்தை வைத்து விளக்கிக் கொள்கிறோம். காதலில் ரகசியங்களை, தவிப்புகளை, பாவனைகளை, பரவசங்களை நுண்மையாகச் சுட்டி செல்லும் கதைகள் இவை. இந்த சிறுகதை தொகுதி ஒரு ஒரு மயிலிறகின் வருடல். ஒரு இனிமையான கனவு கண்ட நிறைவு.

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Solution to Sri Lankan Ethnic Crisis

My Sinhalese friend angrily suggested that the ultimate solution to Sri Lanka's ethnic tension is eliminating all the idiots on both sides. I couldn't help but smile and responded, "How on earth would you go about identifying who falls into the 'idiot' category and who doesn't?" To my surprise, my friend quipped that anyone who believes in Tamil nationalism or Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism is automatically labelled a fool. 

With an even bigger grin, I recounted a funny tale from my early days on Facebook back in 2008. You won't believe it, but when the platform asked about my political views, I filled in "Tamil Nationalism"! And guess what? Before we met, you were convinced that power devolution would divide the country—a tale straight out of the Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist playbook.

Now, imagine if your plan had been executed around that time. According to your standards, we would have been deemed fools and targeted for termination! But hey, since 2008, I've interacted with many Sinhalese folks and delved into Sri Lanka's history and the underlying causes of the ethnic crisis. Those experiences have steered me far away from those earlier political views.

Sure, there might be plenty of idiots on both sides who stubbornly refuse to listen to other perspectives. I completely understand your frustration, and I won't deny that I haven't experienced similar feelings of anger as you have today. However, there are also many like us who are simply misinformed. That's precisely why I find Gandhi's wisdom incredibly valuable. He said, "I wish to change their minds, not kill them for the weaknesses we all possess." That, my friend, is the only way to overcome the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka— by seeking to educate and change minds rather than resorting to violence. 

Violence only perpetuates more violence, providing no lasting solution or real victory for either side. Temporary successes achieved through violence often come with long-term consequences. Moreover, violent conflicts leave deep emotional scars that become the very source of future cycles of violence. This repetitive loop can only be broken if we actively strive to address and heal the wounds of the past. Healing the emotional scars requires embracing truth and accountability while fostering reconciliation relies on implementing power-sharing mechanisms. There are no alternative paths to break free from the vicious cycle of violence. The sooner we come to realize the significance of this, the better it will be for our beloved country.